Think piece on research clusters

Scholars writing on research clusters seem to agree that the diversity of the geographic concentration of interconnected universities, research centers, private companies, suppliers, service providers, NGOs in a particular field tends to benefit the productivity of research clusters (Descrochers, Sautet, Hospers, 2008, p. 243). In fact, they support the idea that the larger the diversity in a cluster, the better. Taking in consideration such approach (the more varied elements included, the more innovative and productive the cluster), I want us to examine together what are some of the strategies in combining diverse partners in a research cluster such as the Refugee Research Network. More exactly, I would like to focus on how the research on refugee issues can be even more tied to government institutions, NGOs and the private sector. In the latter case, although there are serious and legitimate concerns about the commercialization of knowledge production, scholars in the cluster analysis sector argue that the most performant cluster initiatives are actually the ones linked to the private sector. (Solvell,2008, p. 27) The embeddedness of research within the market needs makes sense if we want to envision the economic integration of refugees and asylum seekers as a parallel process to the development of our current regional geographic environment.

Therefore, maybe it sounds naïve, but one of the principal questions must be framed on how our academic research on refugees can contribute to both their better integration and regional development and local growth? How can we undo the negative dependability perception of refugees and asylum seekers (as relying on the welfare), by integrating them into an anti-oppressive labour market and by constructing them as desirable labour force? How can our research in the universities contribute to such objectives and what kind of cluster research methods are needed for that?

For example, recent increases in the number of Mexican, Colombian, Czech refugee and asylum seekers were framed in the political sphere as abuses of the “generosity” of Canada’s system (Kenney, 2008). As demographers point out Canada has a low replacement fertility level, and therefore relies on migration for its generational surviving and reproduction (Statistics Canada 2009). The fact that Canada also possesses vast natural resource for which there is not sufficient population to develop them is another well-spread commonplace maxim. On the same note, Citizenship and Immigration Canada has recently prioritized 38 occupations for federal skilled occupations that include a pretty large spectrum of occupations from machine operators and technicians to cooks and chefs (CIC 2008). Interestingly enough, the Statistics Division of the Ministry of Economic Affairs from Czech Republic show an increase of plant and machine operators and assemblers, technicians and associate professionals among the employed population (ILO, Statistics Division 2009). The annual report on labour force survey from Sri Lanka also shows a 41% of the employed population as finding itself in the service industry (ILO 2009). At a first glance, such parallelisms looks like a perfect skills match.

However, we do not know if these statistics are also relevant for refugee claimants in Canada. What kind of theoretical and methodological analysis is needed then to determine the actual skills with which the refugees and asylum seekers are coming to Canada? How can university research be relevant for an anti-oppressive labour integration of refugees as well as upward job mobility? How can it highlight anti-oppressive techniques in their market inclusion? How can it be done without reducing the construction of refugees unilaterally to just a labor force? How can university research enhance and support further migration by family reunification processes, for example? How can university research help identifying remittances and increasing trade that will lead later on to development and growth in the home countries? How can university research make such facts more transparent, advocacy-based and policy-oriented? How can private sectors experiencing financial crisis benefit from integrating refugees?

For example, the Canadian government provides refugees with a basic monthly allowance. At the same time recently the real estate and construction industry has collapsed due to the financial crisis. How can academic research inform the government to help both a collapsed real estate industry and fulfill its “generous” part by providing housing for refugees?

These are just some of the questions that I would like to share with you in the forum. I’m not sure if they are abstract enough or awful fruits of stereotypical thinking, but please feel free to share your comments, suggestions, and recommendations about them. I am also looking forward to your personal vision on grounding and embedding our academic research on migration and forced migration within the private sector, government institutions, NGOs, etc.

Works Cited:

Canadian Citizenship and Immigration (2008) Ottawa: Statistics Division

Desrochers, P., Sautet F. and Hospers G-J (2008). Diversity and the case against specialized clusters. In C. Karlsson (Ed)Handbook of Research on Cluster Theory (p.234-248) Cheltenham, UK & Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited

International Labour Organisation (2008) Labour Force Surveys Geneva:Bureau of Library and Information Services

Solvell, O. (2008) Clusters: Balancing Evolutionary and Constructive Forces Stockholm: Ivory Tower Publishers

Spike in Canada Refugee Claims Shows “Systemic Abuse”, Kenney Charges (2009, March 24) National Post

Statistics Canada (2008) The Immigrant Labour Force Analysis Series Ottawa: Statistics Division